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12/06/2005

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» Definitions and Strategies of War from Armchair Generalist
Kingdaddy has a very, very good discussion on the differences between a counterinsurgency campaign and a counterterrorism campaign. Counterinsurgency is inherently challenging, since it often requires vast social, political, and economic changes. Count... [Read More]

Comments

J.

This is an incredibly valuable post you've written. I doubt that many people, even in the military, have considered the differences between counterinsurgency and counterterrorism operations. Very nicely done, sir.

J Thomas

Very very good.

If you republish it elsewhere, it might be good to have a short section on terrorism and anti-terrorism, to highlight how it differens from insurgency and counter-insurgency. While these differences should be obvious to the discerning reader, a short description might help the rset of us.

Matthew Shugart

Excellent post. (Seems I say that a lot here.)

I am hoping for a Kingdaddy critique of the two very interesting articles on counterinsurgency in the Dec. 19 edition of The New Republic. (You do still read TNR, don't you, Kingdaddy? It was you who got me started on it many yers go!)

breaker

The assumption that indigenous muslim populations can be won by such obsolescent and failed methods as "nation building," appeasement handouts, and other bribes is both utterly falacious and demonstrates a complete misunderstanding of muslim pyschology. Pouring billions into buiklding up the infrastructure of enemy nations has never worked before and it will not work now. The ugly truths about fighting muslim imperialism are denied in every way. The domestic left's politically imposition of exaggerated "Rules of Engagement", "Laws of Warfare" and the total emlimination of any reasonabe coercive questioning (thus destroying HUMINT)is nothing more than sabotage of America's warfughting effort calculated to cause the defeat of America.
High Ranking US Army Officers Who Are ACLU Operatives
In another example of the Pentagon's public relations effort, it brought in Marine Corps Colonel Dwight Sullivan, a veteran of six years on staff with the ACLU, to be chief defense counsel for the Pentagon's military tribunals. Sullivan has a long and well known history of leftist, anti-American subversive activities. His selection by “the Pentagon,” (who in the Hell selected Sullivan and why?) is a key indicator that unknown Pentagon decision makers are allied with, or part of, pro-muslim, anti-American leftist subversive elements.
In the past, Sullivan has championed homosexual special privileges as being superior to those of non-homosexuals. He has also been a strong opponent of Christianity who has fought to keep the Ten Commandments off public property.
So far, Sullivan has represented numerous individuals have been charged before military commissions or tribunals. He is in liaison with a coterie of neo-Marxist federal judges linked to the ACLU. The first hearings presided over by Sullivan took place in a makeshift courtroom in Guantanamo Bay in August 2004. In November a federal district judge in Washington ruled the commissions were illegal, bringing the process to a halt. After a panel of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit reversed the lower court, Pentagon officials said trials would soon resume.
It is instructive to study ACLU operatives within the Pentagon. A native of Silver Spring, Md., and a graduate of the University of Virginia School of Law, Sullivan began his military career as a prosecutor in Okinawa, Japan, in 1987. After just one year, he was reassigned to the appellate defense division of the Navy and the Marine Corps, where he took on the case of a Marine Corps clerk convicted of murdering his supervising officer and murdering and sexually assaulting the officer's wife.
When Sullivan came into the case in 1989 with another junior military lawyer, the defendant, Lance Corporal Ronnie Curtis, had already been sentenced to death. The first thing Sullivan and his co-counsel did was prepare a motion arguing that they were not qualified to provide representation in a capital case. The motion resulted in the appointment of experienced death-penalty defense lawyer Robert Morin. Now a judge on the D.C. Superior Court, Morin is a card carrying leftist.
Sullivan put in roughly four years on the case, a special allowance made for Sullivan but disallowed to all non-minority or non-leftist defended soldiers being tried by military courts. Ultimately, in 1997, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Armed Forces set aside Curtis' death sentence because his trial lawyer “hadn't raised mitigating factors in his defense.” The left hardly ever loses in US military or civilian courts.
Sullivan handled other interesting cases as an appellate defense lawyer. For example, he fought a Marine's conviction for engaging in consensual sex with a potential female recruit. He got that charge dismissed, but lost on a second count that the man had oral sex with the same woman. "They said Article 125, which is the military sodomy offense, makes it a crime just to have oral sex," Sullivan says. He appealed, but lost. "It would have come out differently after Lawrence v. Texas," Sullivan argues.
The unusual nature of some of Sullivan's cases drew interest from regional ACLU chapters. After being approached by ACLU recruiters he publicly identified with the neo-marxist ideology of that organization.
In 1997, Sullivan was teaching evidence law at the Naval Justice School in Newport, R.I. (a hot bed of leftist military lawyers), and saw an advertisement for an opening at the Maryland ACLU. Ready to leave active duty after 10 years and interested in returning to Maryland, he applied for the job and was hired.
In his six years as managing attorney in the ACLU's Baltimore office, Sullivan won a case striking down the state's anti-sodomy statute and fought off a referendum to repeal a gay rights law. He participated in anti-Christian First Amendment litigation that challenged a Ten Commandments monument in Frederick, Md., and in another case that contested the public school system's Easter holiday.
Sullivan also continued to push reforms to outlaw the death penalty for blacks. In 2000, when aides to then Maryland Gov. Parris Glendening and state lawmakers agreed to fund a study of racial inequities in the application of the death penalty, Sullivan was at the negotiating table.
In January 2003, as the country prepared to go to war in Iraq, Sullivan was called up to active duty. High ranking Clintonian leftist cliques within the Pentagon foresaw that US military officers, working from inside the military, could utilize lawfare to aid America’s enemies. They could also serve as leftist spies within the military.
Colonel Sullivan was assigned to the case of death row inmate Jesse Quintanilla, a Marine Corps sergeant. Sullivan presented the U.S. Navy-Marine Corps Criminal Court of Appeals with more than 100 reasons that Quintanilla's 1996 death sentence for the murder of his unit's executive officer was improper. None of his objections were truly based on legal fairness. For example, one of his arguments for retrial was: “A military prosecutor kept the murder weapon after the trial and had it mounted on a plaque as a trophy.” The court set aside Quintanilla's death sentence.
The ACLU has infiltrated the upper echelons of the Pentagon. The generals and colonels who are members and active agents of the ACLU must be identified and repudiated. Top US armed forces officers working for a known leftist subversive organization is unacceptable.
The Weird & Treasonous FBI, Allied With The ACLU

FBI officials who were interrogating terrorism suspects at the U.S. detention site at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, in 2002 and 2003 strenuously objected to aggressive techniques the military was using to interrogate terrorists and believed that "such methods are illegal," according to FBI memos .
FBI agents wrote several documents spelling out why they are at odds with interrogators working for a Defense Intelligence Agency human intelligence group and with guidance from senior Pentagon officials. The agents also repeatedly expressed their concerns to the senior military officer at the base -- Major General Geoffrey Miller -- and argued that the less aggressive FBI-approved methods were more effective. However, that claim has proven to be false on several occassions in the past. (See Quikmaneivers publication: FBI Treason Conspiracy)
“Although MGEN Miller acknowledged positive aspects of this approach, it was apparent that he favored DHS's interrogation methods, despite FBI assertions that such methods could easily result in the elicitation of unreliable and legally inadmissible information," one FBI agent wrote to senior FBI officials in May 2003, referring to the Defense Humint Service. The current FBI, under its pro-Muslim director, nicknamed "Gestapo Mueller," has constantly worked to "represent the 'rights' of foreign terrorists since 9/11.
Army General Miller later traveled to Iraq and oversaw all detention operations there.
The American Civil Liberties Union, which obtained the FBI memos in a Freedom of Information Act lawsuit, first released versions of them in December 2004. Memos released thereafter included previously blacked-out statements and detailed discussions of FBI's concerns.
"Now we can say that the documents show conclusively that abuse and torture at Guantanamo was not the result of rogue elements but was the consequence of policies deliberately adopted by senior military and Pentagon officials," ACLU attorney Jameel Jaffer said.
Lt. Colonel John Skinner, a Pentagon spokesman, said a series of investigations and reviews have shown that Defense Department officials never encouraged or condoned abuse. "No matter how hard some may try to manipulate documents and information to support their myth, the facts tell a different story," Skinner said. "Guantanamo remains a safe, humane and professional detention operation."
Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld approved an expanded list of interrogation tactics in December 2002 for use on important terrorists. Rumsfeld later rescinded the list. A military investigation, convened by ACLU allies within the Pentagon, into allegations of abuse at Guantanamo Bay found the cumulative effect of the detainee's treatment was abusive, but not illegal.
FBI documents also show that FBI officials declined to get involved in investigating the Abu Ghraib abuses in January 2004, days after officials learned there was photographic evidence of abuse and several months before they became public.
"First, the matter truly is outside our mission and would squander resources," an FBI official wrote on Jan. 22, 2004. "Second, we need to maintain good will and relations with those operating the prison. Our involvement in the investigation of the alleged abuse might harm our liaison." The FBI's ant-military, pro-terrorist stance has already alienated that part of the US military that remains pro-American.
The other armr of the subversive federation working within America, the media, has worked hand in hand with the the ACLU for years. For example, the leftist Associated Press cordinates its lawfare activities with the ACLU.
A federal judge ordered the Pentagon to release the identities of detainees at Guantanamo Bay to the Associated Press (AP), a move that would force the government to break its secrecy and reveal the most comprehensive list yet of those who have been imprisoned there. The AP has been seeking the information since it filed a lawsuit in 2004. The AP has a long record of treason against the United States and is controlled by a clique of fanatic neo-marxist Arabists. The AP is a tri-traitor organization. The agency circulates distorted leftist propaganda disguised as “news.” (Many local newspapers within the US will not report any news story that is not sanctioned, reported or guided by the AP.) It also carries out treasonous “lawfare” against the best interests of the American people and in favor of America’s enemies. In addition, the AP makes news by its overt aggressive acts. The total of theses three treasonous categories of operations has failed to precipitate ant federal investigation of the AP in spite of numerous complaints.
U.S. District Judge Jed Rakoff, a leftists, anti-American “jurist”, in New York gave the Defense Department a deadline to release uncensored transcripts of detainee hearings. Previously released documents have had identities and other details blacked out.
THE FRUIT OF FBI, ACLU, AND MEDIA SUBVERSION
Veteran military interrogators say the public release of the Army's new restrictions on techniques tip the hand to terrorists and enemies worldwide, virtually ruling out the possibility that prisoners will offer up any effective intelligence in the field.
While interrogation instructors are currently undergoing four-hour classes, and the Army is spending millions dispatching mobile training teams to all corners of the world, those with expertise in battlefield human intelligence say the restrictive policies will mean more combat deaths and injuries and more successful terrorist attacks.
America's police departments are allowed to use more intensive interrogations of petty criminals than the US military can apply to murderous Muslim terrorists, thanks to the ACLU. The new ACKU-instigated terrorist interrogation policies now require techniques formerly considered routine in the questioning of hostiles to be approved by high-ranking officers.
For instance, the relartively mild technique known as "Mutt and Jeff," or "good cop, bad cop" in civilian terminology, now requires approval by a full colonel. Use of the "False Flag" technique, in which interrogators pretend to be from another country, requires approval of a colonel. The technique of "separation," which can mean up to 30 days of solitary confinement, now requires approval by a general.
Critics who have employed workable interrogation techniques successfully for years in military situations say that the new ACLU-inspired "pro-terrorist" requirements alone would ensure that little meaningful intelligence could be extracted from prisoners. But worse, they say, is the fact that U.S. enemies around the globe now know just how far U.S. interrogators can go – thereby making it easier to withstand the pressures applied on them.
"Do our combat brigade and division commanders have time to review these requests for every single terrorist detainee?" asks one veteran interrogator? "Of course not," he answers. "What is not stated is that in order for these commanders to approve these techniques, the judge advocate general has to approve it. The military police commander has to approve it. And the medical staff has to approve it, before the commander will authorize the technique. The reality is none of these approaches will ever be run, and in the worst case scenario – you find a terrorist bomb cell leader who's got 10 guys planting IEDs today, you will not be able to do anything to him before your soldiers and/or Iraqi civilians die."
One critic said "tactical HUMINT" – meaning human intelligence gathering – is now a dead concept as far as effectiveness is concerned. "The worst thing is that the new manual has been released, with no secret amendments totally unclassified to the world – not even 'for official use only,'" said a field interrogator with experience in Iraq. "All the briefers were honest enough to state that every terrorist entity in the world is now fully aware of all of our techniques and all of our limitations and, therefore, is prepared to resist. The rationale is that the Army and the DoD (Department of Defense) want no bad press and doesn't want anybody in the world to think we are doing anything 'sneaky.'" The ACLU is effectively murdering the most important intelligence gathering method, HUMINT.
The new guidelines are laid out in Field Manual 2-22.3, "Human Intelligence Collector Operations." "FM 2-22.3 is an important part of the Army's commitment to improve human intelligence operations, including interrogation operations," explained Lt. Gen. John F. Kimmons, the Army's deputy chief of staff for intelligence. "It broadens the functions and capabilities of our HUMINT soldiers and incorporates lessons learned into our doctrine. This FM represents the result of a very extensive coordination process throughout the Department of Defense involving our most senior leaders and combatant commanders."
As the Army explains it: "The new manual clarifies military intelligence and military police roles and responsibilities; specifies requirements for non-DoD access to detainees under DoD control; specifies that commanders are responsible and accountable for compliance with provisions of FM 2-22.3 and for ensuring humane detainee treatment; and notes that all military personnel are responsible and accountable for immediately reporting suspected detainee abuse."
The new manual, in accordance with Geneva Conventions, explicitly prohibits torture and cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment, and is in complete compliance with the Detainee Treatment Act of 2005. "The new FM builds upon previous doctrine, incorporates lessons learned, and provides clear and specific guidance to commanders and soldiers in the field on the conduct of HUMINT operations," said Thomas Gandy, director of counterintelligence, human intelligence, foreign disclosure and security.
Effective human intelligence and interrogation operations are more important than ever to meet the intelligence requirements of our forces operating for extended periods in complex, irregular warfare environments, he added.
The new manual was designed to deal with the kinds of abuses revealed by the Abu Ghraib scandal, but even before the manual was released publicly, veteran interrogators said the new procedures would cut down on the amount and quality of information about impending attacks by terrorist enemies. In any event, the so-called Abu Ghraib”scandal” was a tempest in a teapot. No real torture was being carried out. Yet the arch-journalistic traitor Seymour Hirsh was able to spread anti-American propaganda that was swallowed without any resistance by the duplicitous and deceitful Bush administration. There is no doubt that President Bush works from a hidden agenda that does not favor the best interests of the American people.
One naive military source suggested, sarcastically: "Sounds like we're all going to need good lawyers before we start questioning prisoners." Hell Yes! This is lawfare, not a ballgame on television !
There is the usual confusion emanating from mostly ignorant U.S. military sources, some of whom are astonished the ACLU was permitted to interfere in the interrogations of hardened al-Qaida and Taliban enemy combatants. Where have those guys been?
According to military sources, ACLU lawyers advised the majority of terrorist prisoners that they did not have to answer questions from military interrogators. "It's as if they were shoplifters in the U.S.," said one source. "The lawyers may have left by now, but the damage is done. We’re sending guys down to interrogate on taxpayer's dime for absolutely no reason now."
Apparently, the stupid generals at the Pentagon believe that the presence of ACLU lawyers at Guantanamo will help persuade the world it can give suspected terrorists a fair trial. The ACLU has been at the forefront of accusing Americans with allegations of abuse of terrorist prisoners. Funded by US taxpayers, the ACLU is supposed to protect American civil liberties, not the civil liberties of foreign mass murderous and psychopaths of every stripe. In fact the ACLU is an anti-American lawfare agency and a most serious threat to American freedom because no one effectively opposes their treasonous behavior.
One Example of Hundreds of ACLU Subversive Initiatives
The ACLU employs a covert investigation organization that illegally obtains secret federal documents. The American Civil Liberties Union has released heretofore secret US documents containing disturbing new revelations about the MATRIX database surveillance program, including the fact that it was under the direct managerial control of the U.S. Department of Homeland Security, and that Florida Governor Jeb Bush gave a personal briefing on the program to Vice President Dick Cheney.
The group also announced that it had written to Nuala O’Connor Kelly, Chief Privacy Officer of DHS, asking her to investigate DHS’s role in the Matrix program. "We were surprised to learn that DHS is playing a central role not only in funding this program, but also in managing it," said Barry Steinhardt, Director of the ACLU’s Technology and Liberty Program. "The federal government’s involvement is eerily reminiscent of the Pentagon’s ‘Total Information Awareness’ data-mining program, which was based on the same concept of sorting through everyone’s data in an attempt to identify terrorists. Congress shut down TIA, and it should shut down the Matrix as well."
At a news conference in Miami, the ACLU issued a briefing paper describing the new revelations and their significance, based on documents obtained from public records requests filed in Florida, Georgia, New York, Utah, and with the Justice Department. "We have long been appalled at Florida’s seemingly central role in developing and pushing this intrusive system in which a government file is created on everyone, whether they are a terrorist suspect or completely innocent of any suspicion," said Howard Simon, Executive Director of the ACLU of Florida. "But perhaps even more disturbing, this revelation suggests that Florida has been no more than a tool of the federal authorities."
MATRIX (the Multistate Anti-TeRrorism Information eXchange) is the latest data-mining program to emerge from the government. This surveillance system combines information about individuals from government databases and private-sector data companies, and makes that data available for search by government officials to comb through the millions of files in a search for "anomalies" that may be indicative of terrorist or other criminal activity.
According to a document obtained through an ACLU open-records request to the state of New York, DHS in July 2003 approved a request for $8 million for the operation and expansion of the Matrix. However, DHS informed Matrix officials that in exchange for the $8 million, the agency would enter into a "Cooperative Agreement" rather than a grant, under which DHS would "maintain managerial oversight and control" of the Matrix.
In its letter to Kelly, the ACLU asked her to conduct an investigation of how the Matrix operates, what the role of DHS has been, and how it has been utilized by the department.
Another classified document obtained by the ACLU indicated that Matrix operators sent to federal law enforcement authorities a list of 120,000 names of individuals who had been scored with a high "terrorism quotient." Seisint, the company that operates Matrix, claimed that scores of arrests resulted from the list. "If this is how our officials are operating in the war against terrorism, it not only raises the chilling prospect that any innocent American could become vulnerable to having their name spit out by some unreliable computer as a suspect, but it fails to inspire confidence in how our nation is being protected against attack," Steinhardt said.
Other documents released by ACLU subversives included Governor Bush’s "briefing points" for a meeting on Matrix with Vice President Cheney, at which he sought the Vice President’s support for additional federal funds for the program. Other documents show that Governor Bush has personally taken a lead role in selling the program to other states.


Chapter 10
Myths About US Interrogation
By Mr. Carol

Our national angst over the use of supposedly harsh interrogation against captured jihadis and Ba’athists has gotten out of hand. What started as an academic nuisance is fast degenerating into a genuine strategic liability.
Recently it was announced that CIA officers may face prosecution for interrogation methods that, although officially sanctioned at the time they were used, have since been ruled off-limits by nervous bureaucrats caving in to the post-Abu Ghraib hysteria. This is even more destructive that it first appears, since risk aversion at the CIA was one of the reasons cited by the 9/11 Commission for the failures that let al Qaeda slip through. Simply put, if you create a climate in which intelligence collectors are constantly looking over their shoulders for fear of offending the political sensitivities of the ACLU and its allies in Washington, you might as well turn national security over to the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and be done with it.
Much of the blame for this mess lies with three common myths that distort the way Americans think about interrogation, especially hostile interrogation. Our national interests would be well-served if we put these fables to rest, once and for all.
Myth #1: Hostile interrogation doesn’t work.
The strongest version of this myth involves, not the methods used by American forces in Afghanistan or Iraq, but genuine torture — the tear-off-an-arm kind of approach used by Saddam and al Qaeda. And the idea behind the myth is easy to understand. If a man is being tortured, he will say anything to make his tormentors stop, regardless of whether it’s true. Honesty is the last thing on his mind. Therefore, the argument concludes, we cannot rely on information extracted under extreme duress.
Unfortunately, what substance there is to this line of thought — and there is some — applies equally well to all methods of human intelligence collection. If you are running a spy whose motivation is money, for example, you’re always concerned that he will tell you whatever it takes to keep the cash flowing. Or if you have a foreign government mole who is motivated by revenge for the slights he has suffered throughout his career, you constantly suspect he’s making up stories that put his colleagues and superiors in the worst possible light. Good intelligence officers are forever questioning the veracity of the information their sources provide.
So when a captured terrorist starts talking after 72 hours without sleep, of course we must be suspicious about what he is telling us. But that’s not unique to interrogation, hostile or otherwise. It’s a feature of all HUMINT collection.
The flip side of the coercion-is-counterproductive myth is the belief that straightforward prisoner debriefings are usually good enough. But the fact is, they aren’t. The jihadis are a tougher, more determined lot than we are used to dealing with. Hostile interrogation will sometimes get them to talk, but low-stress interviews hardly ever do. Whatever else one says about coercive techniques, they aren’t being employed frivolously. Our forces are using them to address a very real problem, i.e., the impotence of conventional interrogation when used against the likes of al Qaeda or the Saddam Fedeyeen.
Myth #2: American methods amount to torture.
The ACLU has done our nation a valuable service, no doubt in spite of itself. In late December, the organization released a bundle of declassified (and highly redacted) FBI emails obtained through a lawsuit against the Federal government. The ACLU claims the emails document the torture of prisoners at Guantánamo and elsewhere, which they don’t. What they do reveal, however, is no less important.
First, they give us a picture of FBI Special Agents who, more than three years into the war on terror, are still unable to look beyond the Bureau’s traditional crime-and-punishment view of the world. One FBI official on assignment in Iraq writes, “[W]e have been very careful to instruct our personnel to use only standard interview techniques which we would utilize back home in our regular [law enforcement] work.” Another complains that, in one particular instance, Defense Department interrogation tactics “destroyed any chance of prosecuting this detainee.”
Do these thoughts represent the conventional wisdom inside the FBI? Does a significant chunk of the Bureau actually believe “interview techniques” appropriate for a marijuana grower in Humboldt County are the same ones that should be used against Zarqawi’s head-choppers in Iraq? Or that a top priority at Guantánamo is to make sure captured terrorists can someday face a jury of their peers? If so, we need to rethink the FBI’s role in the war on terror, at least when it comes to international action. (Editors Note: The FBI has been totally subverted by leftist pro-muslims and is part of the problem.)
Second, the emails offer a sketch of the kinds of interrogation techniques the ACLU (and, evidently, some in the FBI) regard as “torture.” Loud music. Bright lights. People yelling. Sleep deprivation. Squatting. Black hoods. Growling dogs on leashes, not physically touching the prisoner. One fellow had to sit on the floor with an Israeli flag draped around his shoulders, while heavy metal blared and strobe lights flashed. None of these sound pleasant. But torture? Come on.
Myth #3: Hostile interrogation violates the Geneva conventions.
This is not so much a myth as an irrelevancy. When thinking about the Geneva conventions, it’s crucial to keep in mind precisely that they are conventions — i.e., rules drawn-up and agreed upon by several parties for mutual benefit. They are practical understandings between nations, not abstract humanitarian principles. The conventions mandate, inter alia, that if your side captures one of my soldiers, you must treat him in certain ways. In return, I promise to treat your soldiers the same. The Geneva conventions are a pact to ensure mutual benefit, not a unilateral gift from one side to another.
From their refusal to wear uniforms, to deliberate attacks on innocent civilians, to the beheadings of prisoners, al Qaeda and company have consistently — in word and deed — repudiated the Geneva conventions and similar notions of reciprocal behavior. “Conventions” are meaningless if only one side affirms them, and there is no reason for the United States to pretend otherwise.
Conclusion
We Americans hold ourselves to high standards, and that’s good. Real abuses that offend our core sensibilities, like the nihilism at Abu Ghraib, should be condemned and their perpetrators punished.
But we also need to think realistically about interrogation. Stress isn’t the same as torture, and loud music isn’t the rack. We must keep these differences clear and distinct, lest we put ourselves at a needless disadvantage.
The author, Mr. Carroll is a former officer in the Clandestine Service of the CIA.

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